What can Bletchley Park teach us about organisations and
organisational life? I have just read an
excellent book http://tinyurl.com/9q3gyff
by Christopher Grey, Decoding Organization (great title), who brings his academic
experience in organisational studies, together with a deep delve into archives,
to the iconic site of Bletchley Park.
Much has been written on this, but it is strangely under-studied as an
organisation. Grey provides rich
insights while debunking myths. Yes,
there really were chess-playing tweedy mathematical geniuses recruited from
Cambridge colleges in Hut 6 – but at the same time it was a complex
organisation of 10,000 staff, three quarters of whom were women.
In many ways the story of Bletchley Park challenges all
modern precepts of successful organisations – clear leadership, open culture,
shared objectives and feedback to staff.
At Bletchley Park, it was not clear who was in charge, with continuous
friction between the different agencies at the helm , from the Admiralty to the
Foreign Office. The chain of command was obscure - a US navy
liaison officer arriving in 1942 was amazed to find no organisational
chart. This despite the workplace having
grown to a complex web of listening stations, interception, decoding and
intelligence functions. There were no
shared work goals - beyond the overarching mission and unifying force of war,
which Grey does not discount. Textbooks on successful management would have chief
executives get up at staff meetings and tell rousing stories of what the
organisation has achieved. At Bletchley
Park, there was little shared information – indeed, many or most of those
working there knew nothing of the breaking of Enigma ciphers, a momentous act which
experts reckon shortened the war by two years.
Instead, the organisation was characterised by secrecy and highly
compartmentalised units. It has been
described as a “multiple series of concentric circles”, with 47 fairly
autonomous sections. One particularly
telling story which Grey tells is of a couple who had both worked at Bletchley
Park but never revealed the fact to each other until thirty years later.
Modern management stresses the need for a strong
organisational culture with shared values and beliefs. But Bletchley Park appears to be “a
multiplicity of different agencies with potentially competing interests.” Grey argues that the organisation was formed
from conflicts and negotiations between very different cultures - from the
military and civilian, the dons and the clerks.
So how did it work?
Grey describes the dense web of friendship connections between these individuals,
including the shared backgrounds of many and informal recruitment through
universities. While antithetical to modern notions of equal
opportunity, some of the core activities were supported by high levels of trust
and interconnectedness on a personal basis, something which Grey calls informal
`micro-networks’. This enabled for
instance competing heads of naval and army `huts’, who had been friends at
university, to work out solutions for competing demand for rare resources – in
this case, use of analytic devices or bombes.
Strong pre-existing personal and social
connections helped to avoid institutional conflicts. They also provided a cultural structure that
overcame the incoherent organisational structure of Bletchley Park. In
this way, it most closely resembles more recent kinds of knowledge-intensive
organisations in Silicon Valley.
Many accounts celebrate the eccentricities and amateurism of
Bletchley Park – one source notes that a high-ranking foreign visitor was
appalled at the (effective) indexing system housed in shoe boxes. But Grey favours the notion of `organised
anarchy’ – Bletchley Park was charcterised both by efficient rule-based
standardisation of work (associated with formal bureaucracy), much of it
routine, as well as reliance on personal initiative, networks and
discretion. Not either, but both. Similar
arguments have been made for the craft (or art?) of medicine, where
evidence-based guidelines do not substitute for professional judgement.
It is interesting that Bletchley Park is recognised as more
successful than its equivalents in Germany or US. This is partly because it brought together for
the first time the separate functions of interception, cryptanalysis and intelligence,
creating a new kind of organisation.
But there were also different ways of working, mobilising large numbers
of staff on a temporary basis for particular projects, enabling a degree of
flexibility and innovation which more established military and administrative
structures in other countries may have inhibited. Something of the spirit of the Olympics Games
Makers perhaps.
Why does it matter?
This thought-provoking study brings academic rigour – with Grey’s broad
hinterland of organisational theory - together with a narrative of a time and
place which still fascinates us. It makes me think about some high-performing hospitals, with tight networks of semi-autonomous specialist coteries, and `light touch' general management. Grey's insight is that Bletchley Park's success may be because of its organisational chaos and porosity and the tensions between diverse units - not despite it.
But it is also his methods and storytelling which excite. Could we use this power of analysis to learn more about NHS organisations and our recent history? Could we for instance start to decode the success of NICE as a unique British institution? What particular confluences led to the creation of this new institution in 1999 – including the momentum of evidence-based medicine, the Child B case and other headlines on postcode lottery generating the need for political distance and a process to manage the demand for expensive new drugs and treatments? How much did the continuity and traits of the `three at the top’ (Mike Rawlins, Andrew Dillon, Peter Littlejohns) contribute to its longevity? What are the tensions between the rational enterprise of evidence-based decision-making and the competing interests of different parties (industry, patients, clinicians and politicians) and how were these played out in some of the big stories (tamiflu or drugs for kidney cancer or Alzheimer’s disease)? There are rich seams of structure, agency, culture and political process to mine here.
But it is also his methods and storytelling which excite. Could we use this power of analysis to learn more about NHS organisations and our recent history? Could we for instance start to decode the success of NICE as a unique British institution? What particular confluences led to the creation of this new institution in 1999 – including the momentum of evidence-based medicine, the Child B case and other headlines on postcode lottery generating the need for political distance and a process to manage the demand for expensive new drugs and treatments? How much did the continuity and traits of the `three at the top’ (Mike Rawlins, Andrew Dillon, Peter Littlejohns) contribute to its longevity? What are the tensions between the rational enterprise of evidence-based decision-making and the competing interests of different parties (industry, patients, clinicians and politicians) and how were these played out in some of the big stories (tamiflu or drugs for kidney cancer or Alzheimer’s disease)? There are rich seams of structure, agency, culture and political process to mine here.
An aside – I found out
that Christopher Grey shares my enthusiasm for the under-rated and
deeply unfashionable novels of C P Snow.
Snow was himself a key figure in recruitment at Bletchley Park, having
moved from scientist to war-time director of the Ministry of Labour. I can’t think of a writer who describes
better the emotional intensity of working life – from political intrigue
(Corridors of Power, The Masters) to scientific fraud (The Affair). Our
anorak passion is shared by Muir Gray, I found in a recent twitter exchange,
who insists his registrars read Snow’s novels to understand how policy and
organisations work. Time for a revival?
Great post Tara. It strikes me that Bletchley Park was quite like a university in many ways - someone recently pointed out to me that no-one every says they work FOR a university (as they might say they work for Tesco, or BP) - they say they work AT a university (at Manchester, at Oxford, at Yale..). That choice of word says volumes about how people in universities conceive of themselves and the organisation, and what results is alot like Bletchley Park's concentric circles, multiple units, and important but structurally invisible lateral relationships and networks. So much university "strategy" is a posthoc justification of what the frontline workforce - where all the knowledge and power sits - has decided to do. Amanda Goodall's book "Socrates in the Boardroom" dissects some of these issue beautifully.
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